We are in Black History Month in the Britain, and it feels like it’s time for a rethink. As time has passed, an event that started out as a festivity and recollection of the past, cultural identity and bonds between international African diaspora communities, has taken on a corporate feel, broadening to incorporate functions where individuals of African heritage are paid to talk to predominantly white listeners about “unconscious bias” and “allyship”. The anti-racism rallies of the last decade created a surge in the business of demonstrating racial awareness. But even that moment has passed. The tide has crested, producing a diluted aftermath of what increasing understanding is for.
Initially celebrated in the America and its northern neighbor, Black History Month was established in 1962 as “Negro History Week” by African American historian Carter G. Woodson with seven days of remembrance and recognition in the February's second week. Black History Month developed from this campaign and was formally inaugurated in 1970. Now it is celebrated not only in the North America in winter, but also in autumn in the Britain, the Federal Republic of Germany, Ireland and the the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
The month has evolved since that time, giving reduced attention to the narratives of colonial slavery and fights for racial justice, and increasingly on prominent Black figures in government, the arts, and social movements, and broadly celebrating the contribution Black people have made to shape the country. It is in learning environments where Black History Month is most frequently marked, with discussions and heritage festivities. But the method the celebration is commemorated is a reflection of the contemporary political context. How it evolves is a good lesson in how co-option leads to erosion: the reshaping of Black History Month has stymied the point of it, which is to confront embedded and established prejudice.
Little demonstrates how critical it is to rethink Black History Month as much as the particular moment in which it occurs this year. In the Britain, a revitalized conservative movement in the shape of the Reform party is ahead in surveys. In the summer we observed the most significant ultra-conservative gathering in the history of Britain. Kemi Badenoch, the Black leader of the Conservative party, is a firm opponent of the racial justice movement, and we are in a place where a member of parliament gains confidence to say that the absence of Caucasian individuals in certain urban areas is a reason for concern. Simultaneously, far-right parties are surging in Europe as a whole.
In the America, a significant offensive against diversity initiatives and positive discrimination has been carried, frequently with success, to the supreme judicial bodies of the state. A effort to scrub Black history and experience from the records is under way. One of the former president's initial presidential directives focused on the museum of African American legacy, and the prestigious establishment, alleging that they of a “concerted and widespread effort to alter the country's historical narrative” by portraying America “as naturally discriminatory”.
In this context, the celebration symbolises how insufficiently it can be effective if it is restricted to either dutiful corporate observances, or stripped of political content commemorations of historical achievements, rather than confronting the conditions of the current era. It also shows how its restricted time span means that it is detached from the more extensive continuous action that is necessary. An academic expert, a prof at an educational institution, articulated it most accurately when she expressed apprehension about the temporary “tokenism” of the observance. “The difficulty with embracing a superficial method”, she commented, “is that it often means that Black History Month becomes a brief show rather than a agent of progress.”
Determining how to adapt, revise and extend initiatives for racial equality and recognition in such times of discouragement and concern is a challenging endeavor. There is a temptation to just do away with events including Black History Month completely, believing they are no longer suitable, or are remnants of an period that has been ineffective.
However, regardless of the situation, Black History Month, and in fact the complete comprehensive structure and tradition of campaigns for equality – community-based BLM initiatives, diversity equity and inclusion initiatives, and certainly, even commercial engagements – represent an framework that a considerable labor has gone into. It is there not just to decay as the situation evolves (and in fact, regresses), but to be a dynamic entity.
So what would a fresh vibrant Black History Month appear as? Firstly, it would be extended beyond a brief observance: something that is distributed through the year (as various establishments are already commencing), parts of its content (particularly around historic Black characters) incorporated into educational programs. It would also be a period that does not shy away from politics, and provides room for people, particularly young people, to share their anxieties and narratives. What use is mere awareness of the bygone era when it doesn’t reckon with the current situation of extreme conservative demonstrations in the street? Establishments who mark it should not be reassured with the passive language of “unconscious bias” and alertness to “microaggressions”, but challenged by the threats that face all if fight against prejudice is not taken seriously. To summarize, Black History Month should be made current, urgent, and adaptive. Perhaps an total re-identification is necessary – Present-Day African Heritage Celebration.